Sonia Ghandi e o premier Singh nos funerais de despotas en Chhattisgardh.
O presente texto en ingles tomado do Maoist Road informa da extension da guerra popular nas cidades da India.
Basandose nas ultimas detencions de alguns camaradas vencellados a Fronte Revolucionaria Democratica, en cidades coma Nova Delhi ou Kolkata, os reaccionarios aseguran que os maoístas formaran unha Fronte de Unidade Tactica con diversas organizacions de masas, para coordinar as loitas urbans.
Que a Guerra Popular estase a dar tamen nas cidades non é nada novo o que si é novo que a camarilla Ghandi-Singh o recoñeza.
The apprehension of a few people over the past few days in
Maharashtra, which led to searches by the police at the residence of G N
Saibaba, an English teacher, in New Delhi on September 12, 2013, has,
once again, brought into focus the urban presence and activities of the
Maoists. The police recovered a few hard disks and pen drives from the
academic’s house. Saibaba is a prominent leader of the Revolutionary
Democratic Front (RDF), a proscribed front organization of the CPI
(Maoist).
Earlier, Prashant Rahi, reportedly a freelance journalist and alleged
front organization member/over-ground cadre of the Maoists, and his
associate, Vijay Tikri, were arrested by the Gadchiroli police in Deori,
Gondia district, Maharashtra, on September 1, 2013. They were arrested
following the arrest of Hem Mishra, a former student of Delhi’s
Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and two others, on August 22. Mishra
is alleged to be a courier of the Maoists and was reportedly carrying
secret documents and a microchip containing coded information to be
delivered to a senior Maoist leader, Narmadakka.
A few days earlier, on August 13, replying to Unstarred Question No.
1267 in the Lok Sabha, Mr RPN Singh, Union Minister of State for Home
Affairs, said, “ … a few cases have come to notice where the CPI
(Maoist) cadres have taken employment in urban areas… The strategy of
CPI (Maoist) for urban areas is documented in a paper titled ‘Urban
Perspective [Plan]’”. He went on to add, “Briefly stated, the strategy
for urban areas of the country includes mobilization and organization of
the working classes, building a [Tactical] [U]nited [F]ront, (TUF) on
short, of classes similarly placed to the working classes and military
tactics involving sabotage actions and select assassinations by ‘action
teams’”.
In a nutshell, the TUF serves the agenda of the Maoists in the
following ways: To consolidate various ‘anti-imperialist’ struggles and
bring them on to one platform on the basis of a common working
understanding; To expand the reach of the Maoists to various sections of
the society by building contacts with them; To expand over-ground cadre
strength, thoroughly indoctrinate them, and then completely incorporate
them into organisational work, especially in urban areas; Poach
partners for potential leaders and ideologues; Serve as a good cover
from the long arm of the state; and Essentially being a political
activity, it reinforces the military activities, i.e. armed struggle.
Presently, the organisations with which the Maoists have formed the
TUF include the Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF), the People’s
Democratic Front of India (PDFI), the Committee against Violence on
Women (CAVOW), and the Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners
(CRPP), among others. The activities of the CPI (Maoist) in urban areas
–– cities and towns –– need to be understood because of the implications
they hold. These activities should be understood together with TUF
activities, because urban presence would give a fillip to TUF
activities. For reasons such as merger, consolidation and survival from
what the Maoists term as state repression, the Maoists in their earlier
avatar did not pay much attention to building their movement in urban
areas. However, they always had a presence in towns and cities to cater
to logistics needs and stay in safe houses during medical treatment or
in transit.
As a senior journalist and renowned authority on the Maoists told
this author, “Because of the anonymity it accords, it becomes easy for
the Maoists to stay and operate in urban centres”. The Urban Movement
has a defined role in the political strategy and military strategy of
the CPI (Maoist). According to the CPI (Maoist), “… being the centres of
concentration of the industrial proletariat, urban areas play an
important part within the political strategy of the New Democratic
Revolution”. The Maoists envisage that they would mobilise and organise
the industrial workers and channelise them towards playing “leadership
role in organising the agrarian revolution by sending by sending …
advanced detachment to the rural areas”.
The role of the Urban Movement within the military strategy of the
Maoists has been best explained by Mao Tse Tung thus: “the final
objective of the revolution is the capture of the cities, the enemy’s
main bases and this objective cannot be achieved without adequate work
in the cities”. The CPI (Maoist) holds that “[they] should, by building
up a strong urban movement, ensure that the urban masses contribute to
creating the conditions that will obtain success for the armed struggle
in the countryside”.
In the Maoist scheme of things the objectives/tasks of the Urban
Movement could be classified under three broad heads or categories: (a)
mobilise and organise the basic masses and build the party on that
basis; (b) build United Front; and (c) Military tasks. As one journalist
noted: “[these] efforts are part of a grand strategy to mobilise a
section of the discontented population, especially industry workers… by
aiming at heightened ‘mobilisations’ around industrial establishments
and simultaneously indulging in disruption strategies.” Thus, the
Maoists seem to be acting on a long-term perspective plan. In their
scheme of things, they hope to gain control over the working class
movement and use it appropriately at a later stage when their so called
New Democratic Revolution advances and furthers. In the immediate to
short-term –– according to an internal document of the CPI (Maoist) ––
the objective is to gain control over key (strategic) industries such as
communication, oil and natural gas, coal, transport, power, defence
production, etc with a view to inflicting ‘damage’ on the state’s
capacity to fight the rebels, either through organising sabotage
activities or bringing production to a halt.
